The Times is the latest of several sources to report that the BNP appears to be fighting for its financial life. Speculation increased recently after not a single donation was registered to the Electoral Commission during the relevant quarter for the European elections. Anti-BNP sources have suggested an imminent financial melt-down. What is the truth?
Certainly there are examples of financial problems. The relatively lavish European elections campaign (including road-shows and Battle of Britain parties) lead to complaints of over-spending amongst Griffin’s colleagues. The EHRC’s legal action about membership rules involves legal processes way beyond the reach of the BNP’s coffers. This summer Griffin bombarded his membership with increasingly high-pitched pleas for cash, including the desperate sale of cut-price ”life membership”.
But talk to a melt-down should be put in context. Firstly, despite its significant media footprint, the party runs off modest resources. According to their 2004-2007 submissions to the Electoral Commission (see below), the BNP seems to tick over on about £900,000 pa (a bit more in election years like 2004 and 2005), the same as a small Westminster think-tank. Significantly, deficits are recorded for three out of four years and the BNP did not submit their 2008 accounts on time, in breach of Electoral Commission rules, so more recent data is not yet available. By way of comparison, the Conservative Party turns over £20m in non-election years and is set to spend more than £25m on the General Election.
These accounts probably don’t include BNP front organisations such as its trade union (Solidarity), Christian pressure group (The Christian Council of Britain), its civil liberties group (Civil Liberty), a record label (Great White Records), and the publishing and merchandise divisions (Excalibur), all of which are largely self-financing (except for the occasional and characteristic BNP banana-skin).
Secondly, there is new money on the horizon. Money from the European Parliament will effectively double the party’s income. Brons and Griffin each have access to £446,000 per annum in salary, office and travel allowances which they have agreed to share with the party (though on what precise terms is unclear). In addition, the party can claim £170,000 per annum, making a total of £5.2m over the five years of their term. There were complaints that some of this money was slow in being paid by the EP, a contributing factor to the summer cash crisis according to Griffin’s newsletter. Nonetheless, it is likely the size and certainty of the European money will make a significant difference to the BNP’s financial position.
Yesterday the BNP denied financial problems. A spokesman said that donations needed to be registered only if they exceeded £5,000 and that most of the BNP’s funding comes from branch meetings and from a large members database where people donate £10-£20. It is true that BNP’s website spreads the reach of their fund-raising and Griffin has talked about the Obama-fication of his campaigning approach, but there is no evidence of a tsunami of small regular individual donations yet.
Certainly, in the past the NF/BNP have have been mired in financial shenanigans which have severely handicapped the parties’ effectiveness. And Nick Griffin’s personal record is blemished. He was declared bankrupt in 1994 in Welshpool with debts of £70,000.
But it is putting hope before experience to suggest the menace of popular nationalism is set to implode.
“Nick Griffin appeals for donations as BNP ‘fights for existence’” – The Times
Today, the British National Party has discovered it is to be fined for failing to report its donations and accounts to the 